Friday, 27 September 2013

Art of Chacterization of Chaucer in The Prologue


Art of Chacterization of Chaucer in The Prologue

C

haucer flourishes the fantastic colours of his words and paints different characters of his age with minute observation. Indeed, he is a great painter who paints not with colours but with words. Undoubtedly, he has The Seeing Eye, the retentive memory, the judgment to select and the ability to expound. His keen analysis of the minutest detail of his characters, their dresses, looks and manners enable him to present his characters lifelike and not mere bloodless abstractions.

His Prologue is a real picture gallery in which thirty portraits are hanging on the wall with all of their details and peculiarities. Rather it is a grand procession with all the life and movement, the colour and sound. Indeed, his characters represent English society, morally and socially, in the real and recognizable types and still more representative of humanity in general. So, the characters in Chaucer's “The Prologue” are for all ages and for all lands.  Though the plan of the Canterbury’s Tales has been taken from Giovanni, Italian poet, Chaucer’s technique of characterization is original and unique. As a result his characters are not only of his age but universal in nature. They are not only types, but individuals.  The pilgrims are the epitome of mankind.  It is such a veritable picture gallery of the 14th century as the details of their physical appearance, their social status and character are so artistically presented that the whole man or woman come alive before our eyes. Tim Brink wrote:

“We receive such an exact idea of the men he (Chaucer) is describing that we can almost see them bodily before our eyes”

Chaucer is the first great painter of character in English literature. The thirty portraits traced by Chaucer give us an excellent idea of the society at that time. The different pilgrims represent different professionals. For example, the doctor, the sergeant, the Oxford Clerk and the Friar represent certain traits which characterize their respective professionals. The war-like elements are represented by the Knight, the Squire and the Yeoman. The ploughmen, the Miller, the Reeve and the Franklin typify agriculture. The Sergeant of Law, the Doctor, the Oxford Clerk and the Poet himself represent the liberal professions.  The Wife of Bath, the Weaver, and the embody industry and trade; similarly the Merchant and Shipman personate commerce. A Cook and the Host typify provisional trades. The Poor Parson and the Summoner represent the secular clergy while the monastic orders are represented by the Monk, the Prioress and the Pardoner. Thus, the characters in the Canterbury Tales are types as well as individual, as each of them represents a definite profession or class of society and portrays certain individual characteristics with all their idiosyncrasies of dress and speech. A.C. Ward asserts:

“Chaucer’s characters are not mere phantoms of the brain but real human beings and types true to the likeness of whole classes of men and women”

Chaucer description of each man’s horse, furniture and array, reads like a page from a memoir. He describes them in the most nature genial and humorous manner.  Although, Chaucer’s characters are typical, they also have other features which are not to be found in other members of their profession. Thus, his characters can be distinguished from their colleagues. Because he imparts individual traits to them. These features distinguish them as individuals. For example, the Shipman has a beard; the Wife of Bath is ‘Som-del deef’ and ‘gat-toothed’; the Reeve has long and lean legs, the Miller has “a wart surmounted by a tuft of hair” on his nose, the Summoner’s face is full of pimples and Squire is “as fresshe as is the monthe of May”. Chaucer’s lawyer  seems typical of our own day when he says:

“Nowhere so bisy a man as he ther was/ And yet he seemed bisier than he was”

In fact, there is a different method of almost every pilgrim. He varies his presentation from the full length portrait to the thumb-nail sketch, but even in the sketches, Chaucer conveys a strong sense of individuality and depth. Chaucer does not take a dramatic approach, he uses descriptive and narrative approach which suits the theme of The Canterbury Tales. Unlike Wycliffe and Langland, He has broad humanity and sympathy for all the characters, the just and the unjust. We feel a sense of comradeship with Chaucer. They are shown to possess those traits and humors and habits that characterize the men and women of all ages in the world. Their traits are universal, though some of them have changed their positions yet their nature is the same. Chaucer uses the technique of contrast in drawing the portraits of the pilgrims. The good and the bad rub shoulders together. We have the paragon of virtue in the Parson and the Ploughman and monsters of vice in the Reeve, the Miller and the Summoner.  Like Shakespeare, Chaucer’s characters are three-dimensional i.e., having length, breadth and depth. For example, the Wife of Bath and the Monk are complex figures. Chaucer has been called an outstanding representative poet of his age because of the typical element in his characterization. So, Dryden says:

“All his pilgrims are severally distinguished from each other and not only in their inclinations but also in their physiognomies and persons”

14th Centuary Clergy People & Church Corruption


The Church:

Through the ecclesiastical characters in The Canterbury Tales Chaucer constructs a representative picture of the condition of the Church and her ministers in his age. The Church had then become a hotbed of profligacy, corruption, and rank materialism. The Monk, the Friar, the Summoner, the Pardoner, and the Prioress are all corrupt, pleasure-loving, and materialistic in outlook. They forget their primary duty of guiding and edifying the masses and shepherding them to the Promised Land. The Monk is a fat. sporting fellow averse to study and penance. The Friar is a jolly beggar who employs his tongue to carve out his living. The Prioress bothers more about modish etiquette than austerity. The Pardoner is a despicable parasite trading in letters of pardon with the sinners who could ensure a seat in heaven by paying hard cash. The Summoner is, likewise, a depraved fellow. These characters fully signify the decadence that had crept into the Church. The only exception is the "Poor Parson' apparently a follower of Wyclif who revolted against the corruption of the Church.

14th Centuary Clergy People 


There is a whole group of ecclesiastical figures, representing in their numbers and variety the diverse activities of the medieval church. Most of them are satirical portraits, in their worldliness and materialism only too faithfully representative of the ecclesiastical abuses against which Wycliffe struggled. First of all there is a Monk, who cares only for hunting and good cheer. His bald head shines like glass, his bright eyes roll in his head. He rides a sleek brown palfrey, and has "many a dainty horse" in his stables. His sleeves are trimmed with fine fur at the wrists ; his hood is fastened under his chin with a gold love-not. As a companion figure to the hunting Monk, Chaucer gives us "Madame Eglantyne," the Prioress. She is a teacher of young ladies, speaks French "after the school of Stratford-atte-bowe." is exquisite in her table-manners, counterfeiting as well as she can the stately behaviour of court.

 

Other ecclesiastics are there, hangers-on and caterpillars of the church. The Friar, intimate with hospitable franklins, innkeepers, and worthy women, despises beggars and lazars. The Summoner is a repulsive person with "fire-red cherubim face". The Pardoner "come from Rome all note" has a bag full of pardons which he sells as relics of the holy saints to gullible people. Chaucer's treatment of these evil churchmen is highly good-natured and tolerant. He never takes the tone of moral indignation against them. But he does better, he sets beside them, as the type of true shepherds of the church, a "poor Parson," such as, partly under Wycliff's influence, had spread over England, beginning that great movement for the purification of the church which was to result, more than a century later, in the Reformation. Chaucer paints the character of the Parson, poor in this world's goods, but "rich of holy thought and work," with loving and reverent touch. The Parson's brother travels with him—a Plowman, a "true swinker and a good", who helps his poor neighbours without hire and loves them as himself. He reminds us of Piers the Plowman, in the wonderful Vision which is the antitype of Chaucer's work.

Thursday, 26 September 2013

Ecclesiastical Characters in the Prologue


Ecclesiastical Characters in the Prologue

Of the thirty-one pilgrims of the Canterbury Tales, twelve were attached to religion in some way or other, and the manner in which Chaucer depicis them gives us some idea of the slack condition of many Church officials at the time and the poor opinion which the average man of education had of them. The writings of Prof. G.M. Trevelyan and Prof. G.G. Coulton give a cumulative picture of the failings of the Church which the contemporary writings of Wycliffe, Langland, and Chaucer had made clear.

The bishops of the day were mainly shrewd men of business, quite respectable and hard working, all of them English, owing their position to the joint efforts of King and Pope, but their energies were often devoted to public affairs rather than to the interests of their dioceses. This was no new thing, but Wycliffe spoke and wrote fiercely against the Caesarean clergy. The Clerical law Courts were frequently not fair and just, their officials using their power to inflict severe penalties for refusal of tithe. Chaucer's Archdeacon :

 

For smale tithes and for smal offringe

 He made the peple pitously to singe.

 

The state of morality, as evidenced, inter alia, by Chaucer's tales, was bad in all classes. Rich and poor alike were immoral, and had to submit to conviction, but the former paid, sometimes regularly, while the latter submitted to penance.

 

Absentee clergy and the practice of giving the great tithes to an abbot or lay rector, while the vicar had inadequate pay, were of common occurence. Many persons abandoned their ignorant or half-savage peasantry to flock to London or elsewhere as chantry priest.

 

The ecclesiastical courts were perhaps as powerful as ever, but they were losing their reputation, and often becoming places of extortion. Chaucer comments on the Archdeacon that he was more anxious to extort money from the people than to help them to a godly life.

 

Many officials of the Church tended to regard sin, not as a wickedness to be cured, but as an opportunity of filling the Church's coffers.

 

It is interesting to note the reaction of Langland, Wycliffe, and Chaucer to the problem of penance. Langland believed in it when it was supported by genuine penitence; Wycliffe disliked intensely the Church's claim to grant pardon and absolution; while Chaucer simply "recorded what he saw, or what the man in the street saw. So he gibbetted the summoner, who hangs in the sight of all to this day." But the Church courts were no worse than the lay courts, and Wycliffe and Langland and denounced all lawyers as instruments of oppression to the poor. The clergy were also punishers of moral offences and they used these as a means of money-making. Friars especially earned money for their orders by the granting of absolution. Langland and Wycliffe, as well as Chaucer, derided the practices of summoners, pardoners, and friar confessors, who were persecuting blackmailers protected by the law courts.

 

Dean Milman, in his History of Latin Christianity writes of the remarkable outburst of the English language, and of a serious dissatisfaction with the economic and religious systems, that are manifest during the latter half of the fourteenth century. He writes that 'throughout its institutions, language, sentiment, Teutonism is now holding its first initiatory struggle with Latin Christianity In Chaucer is heard a voice from the Court, from the castle from the City, from universal England...His is a voice of freedom, of more or less covert hostility to the hierarchial system, though more playful and with a poet's genial appreciation of all which was true, healthful and beautiful in the old faith.

 

The friars at the beginning of the thirteenth century had started a real Church revival, and few men, if any have ever followed the example and teaching of Christ more faithfully than St. Francis of Assisi. But a century and a half had brought a sad change, and from all sides one finds a condemnation so universal as to demand belief. A contemporary poem condemns the greed of the friars:

 

Guile they know and many a gap;

 Full some can with a pound of sape

 Get a kirtle and a cape

 And somewhat else thereto.

 

which exactly bears out what Chaucer says of his Friar:

His typet was ay farsed full of knyves

 And pynnes, for to yeven yonge wyves.

 

Another criticism of the friars was made by John Wycliffe in his Fifty Heresies and Errors of Friars (1384).

Chaucer's Hubert the Friar is a man of unscruplous dealings for personal profit in the name of religion. He grants easy absolution from sin in exchange for 'a nice sum' or by sequeezing a farthing out of a destitute widow. And yet this Friar is not an unlikable fellow. He has an almost infectious gift of merriment and musical talents of an admirable kind.

Chaucer tells us that his Friar was well beloved and familiar with franklyns and worthy women, with rich folk and sellers of vitaille and avoided the poor and the sick, "it is not honeste, it may not avaunce."

There was no very great harm in Chaucer's Monk, except, that he was entirely unsuited to his vocation and made no bones about it. He preferred hunting, horses and greyhounds, fur-lined sleeves, gold pins, and love-knots to chapel services, study and strict rules of the cloister. He was fat and flourishing, well-mannered, a man of the world, and well suited to be made an Abbot, with his taste for roast swan. In this portrait, Chaucer's complex irony points out in two directions at once. It satrises the Monk and the growth of monasteries which made such a Monk not only possible but also essential. Yet Chaucer also admires the vitality in the man, the fact that he was a 'manly man' and he began to find extenuating circumstances when he recorded the cavalier tone of the Monk who said: Let Austin have his swink to him reserved. It is significant that the aristocratic sport of hunting to which he is addicted, was forbidden to all monks. He might only fish in preparation for the days of abstinence when meat was forbidden. It is therefore suitable that Chaucer uses a fishing-image to describe the Monk:

 

Ne that a monk, when he is recchelees,

 Is likned til a fissh that is waterless.

 

A critic observes that the Monk is not the worst offender among the erring clerics of the Canterbury pilgrimage, for at least his laxness and worldly interests do no direct harm to other people, although of course they don't do any good either to his order or to his monastery.

The Pardoner was a thorough-going cheat who played on the credulity of the common people. He had a wallet full of pardons hot from Rome, and his bag of relics earned him more money in a parish in a day than local parson in a month or longer. Chaucer has a poor opinion of the relics, by which he made his living. On the whole he is the most notorious person, a predator and a hanger-on of the Church who is a noble ecclesiast only in the pulpit where his preaching makes him so materially successful. The congregation listens to him spell-bound and when his discourse is at an end, the listeners become so bemused by his eloquence that they give him all their silver.

An equally bad companion of the Pardoner was the Summoner. He was a most unattractive figure, with his red, spotted face which no quicksilver or brimstone, borax, white lead, oil of tartar, or ointment could cure. He loved garlic, onions, leeks, and red wine. His narrow eyes and black eyebrows and close-cropped beard, and his blustering, bullying manner made him the terror of all children—his greatest condemnation. He earned a reputation for learning by means of a few Latin tags, which he spoke best when he was drunk. He frightened simpletons and quiet men, blackmailed young folk in the diocese, and, in return for a quart of wine, would tolerate the keeping of a mistress by a good fellow for twelve months. If he was all typical of his class, no wonder that the Church was unpopular.

 

The Pardoner and the Summoner, an unattractive pair, afflicted with spiritual sterility, were highly despicable as individuals, but institutionally they had the power of summoning and in many cases of absolving or pardoning lay folk. On a small scale they seem to set out the summoning of all mankind to judgement on the Last Day. This is what the Church was doing even when the individual members of the institution abandoned all interest in the spiritual obligations of their calling. Both men are shown to us as sick men, hysterical and a little mad, and this we should interpret in both the spiritual and physical senses. And yet these members of the itinerant clergy were often popular because they brought some freshness into village life; one sermon could be repeated in a dozen scattered churches and mis-demeanours of which they were told would be forgotten by the time they paid their next visit.

 

Significantly the Summoner and the Pardoner are the last two of the pilgrims to be described in the Prologue, excepting the poet himself and the Host, and being birds of a feather they ride together. Both held offices which lent themselves to whole-sale, abuse, the one by accepting bribes from people whom he was meant to summon to appear in an ecclesiastical court, the other by allowing people to do penance and thus obtain pardon from their sins by paying him money, as well as by selling them any old rubbish claimed to be genuine sacred relics of the saints or apostles. Chaucer does not have to give many details of the frauds practised by them because his con­temporaries knew them only too well.

 

As a pleasant contrast to the profiteering clerics, the Friar, Monk. Pardoner, and Summoner—four seemingly typical men of various aspects of Church life—we have Chaucer's delightful picture of the faithful clergy.

 

The foremost among the really noble eccelsiasts was the Poor Parson, a shepherd who protected his flock from the wolf and was not a hireling. He taught and practised the gospel, was sympathetic to the simple, severe with the stubborn, endeavouring to draw men to goodness by fairness and good example. He was self-effacing, dutiful and altruistic. He needed the tithes, the tax of one-tenth upon the produce of the faithful in the parish, but was not prepared to submit the defaulters to the extreme penalties if, perhaps through poverty, they were amiss. However, with stubborn and obstinae sinners, he was impatient : "Hym wolde he snybben sharply for the nonys " But even this was really a virtue in disguise. Everything he did was 'to drawen folk to hevene by fairnesse'.

 

It is obvious that in his character of the Parson Chaucer created a figure that deserves the reader's fullest sympathy. He is a man of material poverty but his spiritual wealth is great. He is indeed a Christian like figure, endowed with numerous virtues. He is devout, diligent, patient, noble, clean, holy and discreet and his chief delight is in teaching 'Cristes loore and his apostles twelve'.

 

The Parson was one of the twin pillars of society, the other being the secular Plowman who laboriously tilled the earth and helped his neighbour. But not all in the flock were so good. From the instruction books of the period we reach the conclusion that many labourers were unaware of the words of the main prayers, of the meaning of the commandments or even of the dictates of the moral law. It is of topical interest to note that, while the parson was lenient in the matter of tithe, the Plowman always paid his regularly. When he had completed the strenuous labours on his lord's demesne and on his own allotment, he was then ready to thresh or dig for ditch for any other poor man, without hire—for Christ's sake. As a sign of his poverty we are told that he rode, in a tabard, and on a mare—a sign of, great humility.

 

The Plowman of Chaucer is perhaps in rights and duties, a typical peasant. We may hope that his sterling qualities do not make him in any way unique in medieval life. What his rights amounted to must have varied from district to district, and we must not assume that all Abbots were as stern as the Abbot of Burton, who told his serfs that they owned "nothing of their own save their bullies".

 

The Plowman's portrait, parallel to the Parson's is in something of an appeal for good honest toil and the contentment to be derived from it:

 

A trewe synkere and a good was he,

 Lyvynge in pees and parfit charitee.

 

The Oxford Clerk was another good man of sacred life. He had devoted himself to the serious study of logic and preferred to have at his 'baddes heed' twenty volumes of Aristotle to any "gay sautrie" or rich clothing. His outer coat was threadbare, for he was extremely poor—even his horse was as "leene......as is a rake". Whatever he received from his benefactors (whom he fittingly repaid by heartfelt prayers for their souls), he spent on books and learning. He never displayed unseemly levity in behaviour ; he did not speak one word more than necessary, and when he did speak, he was brief, to the point and always noble in his meanings.

 

It has been remarked that Chaucer's final line of description for his scholar—"And gladly wolde he lerne and gladly teche" —epitomises the Clerk for us today” and perhaps provides us with a brief summing-up of what all good teaching has meant in the past and will mean in years to come. Chaucer himself must have had the privilege of coming in contact with such a teacher as the Clerk of Oxford, for the poet's learning reflects instruction that was both sound and enthusiastic.

 

The first of the clerical pilgrims to whom the Prologue introduces us is the Prioress. This good lady is sometimes condemned outright as worldly, ambitious, and insensitive to the sufferings of others. But as it has been pointed out in the chapter on women characters, Madam Eglentine (so has she been called) was a fine virtuous woman, who had concern for small animals in an age when cruelty was all too common. She was a conscientious nun who was also a lady, plainly over-anxious to do the right thing and for this she was prepared to err on the right side rather than offend against good manners or be false to her tender heart.

 

A very notable point in the portrayal of Chaucer's ecclesiastical characters is that the good ones are dull and drab; they are not so alive and interesting as the bad ones. This indicates that Chaucer was much more at home among real people who had their share of faults and failings which he enjoyed describing with all the artistic means at his command. Even in general life we notice that wicked people have always made more of a splash and hit the headlines more dramatically than the good ones. People like the poor Parson and oxford clerk are idealised, unsubstantial figures whom we find without the warmth and vitality of the Friar and the Pardoner. Likewise, the Wife of Bath is a much more flesh and blood character than the Prioress.

 

To conclude, the profiteering clerics in the Prologue are easygoing worldings who lack spirit of sacrifice, respect for authority, acceptance of discipline, and at least a modicum of otherworldliness. The principal characteristics of Chaucer's monk, friar, pardoner and summoner are greedy self-seeking, contempt for authority, evasion of discipline self-imposed in the vows of their orders, and a thorough-going worldliness, which not only sought the good things of life, but sought them at the expense of the needy.

 

The Church in Chaucer's time was therefore an object of satire. This great organisation, with its wealth, its power, and its conservative traditions, might have been expected to offer a safeguard against social decay but it was itself a fruitful breeding-ground for the very things which were disorganising feudal society.

 

French says that no one would pretend that every fourteenth century churchman was so thoroughly depraved as Chaucer's Pardoner, or that the poet's other pictures of servants of the Church were entirely without exaggeration. If we make some allowance, however, for the licence which must be permitted every satirist, we can accept his portraits as a just representation of the corruption of the Church of Chirst in the fourteenth-century England. Every point which he makes is amply supported by evidence from other sources. Other writers of the age, both obscure and famous, have the same story to tell, the same departures from ancient ideals to lament. Official documents record the attempts made, from time to time, to curb the abuses which were bringing the Church into contempt and weakening the influence of religion upon men's lives. The high dignitaries of the Church itself have left us their testimony to the encroaching spirit of worldliness, which some of them resisted manfully,——while others made it the guiding force of their own careers. No age in the history of the Church has been without its greed and worldliness ; but there is abundant evidence that the late fourteenth century furnished a spectacle of general corruption, from top to bottom of the institution which has seldom been equalled.

Monday, 9 September 2013

Typical Structure of a Greek Play

Typical Structure of a Greek Play
Bruce MacLennan

It is worth keeping in mind that ancient Greek drama is less like modern plays and more like opera (which was intended, in fact, as a revival of Greek drama). Hence music and dance were an essential part of Greek drama (although, unfortunately, only the words have survived). There are two or three singer-actors (who may take several roles each) and a chorus of twelve to fifteen, generally arranged in a rectangle. In addition there is a musician playing the double reed-pipe (aulos) and possibly supernumeraries ("spear-carriers").

1.    Prologue: A monologue or dialogue preceding the entry of the chorus, which presents the tragedy's topic.
2.    Parode (Entrance Ode): The entry chant of the chorus, often in an anapestic (short-short-long) marching rhythm (four feet per line). Generally, they remain on stage throughout the remainder of the play. Although they wear masks, their dancing is expressive, as conveyed by the hands, arms and body.
Typically the parode and other choral odes involve the following parts, repeated in order several times:
1.    StrophĂȘ (Turn): A stanza in which the chorus moves in one direction (toward the altar).
2.    AntistrophĂȘ (Counter-Turn): The following stanza, in which it moves in the opposite direction. The antistrophe is in the same meter as the strophe.
3.    Epode (After-Song): The epode is in a different, but related, meter to the strophe and antistrophe, and is chanted by the chorus standing still. The epode is often omitted, so there may be a series of strophe-antistrophe pairs without intervening epodes.
3.    Episode: There are several episodes (typically 3-5) in which one or two actors interact with the chorus. They are, at least in part, sung or chanted. Speeches and dialogue are typically iambic hexameter: six iambs (short-long) per line, but rhythmic anapests are also common. In lyric passages the meters are treated flexibly. Each episode is terminated by a stasimon:
4.    Stasimon (Stationary Song): A choral ode in which the chorus may comment on or react to the preceding episode.
5.    Exode (Exit Ode): The exit song of the chorus after the last episode.

Aristophanic comedies have a more elaborate structure than the typical tragedy. The chorus is also larger: 24 (as opposed to 12-15).
1.    Prologue: As in tragedies.
2.    Parode (Entrance Ode): As in tragedies, but the chorus takes up a position either for or against the hero.
3.    AgĂŽn (Contest): Two speakers debate the issue (typically with eight feet per line), and the first speaker loses. Choral songs may occur towards the end.
4.    Parabasis (Coming Forward): After the other characters have left the stage, the chorus members remove their masks and step out of character to address the audience.
First the chorus leader chants in anapests (eight per line) about some important, topical issue, typically ending with a breathless tongue twister.
Next the chorus sings, and there are typically four parts to the choral performance:
1.    Ode: Sung by one half of the chorus and addressed to a god.
2.    Epirrhema (Afterword): A satyric or advisory chant (eight trochees [long-short] per line) on contemporary issues by the leader of that half-chorus.
3.    Antode (Answering Ode): An answering song by the other half of the chorus in the same meter as the ode.
4.    Antepirrhema (Answering Afterword) An answering chant by the leader of the second half-chorus, which leads back to the comedy.
5.    Episode: As in tragedies, but primarily elaborating on the outcome of the agon.
6.    Exode (Exit Song): As in tragedy, but with a mood of celebration and possibly with a riotous revel (cĂŽmos), joyous marriage, or both.


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The Ultimate Online Study Guide to Sophocles' Three Theban Plays

Sophocles

Without the work of Sophocles, who is one of the earliest known Greek dramatists, modern theatre might not look as it does. He introduced the third actor to the stage and his ideas not only inspired further plays by Shakespeare, but an entire genre of psychology. His works number 123 (though only seven survive) and are the oldest to have survived to this day and his plays are performed routinely even almost 2,500 years after his death around 406 BC. His first claim to fame occurred when his entry into the Dionysia theatre contest defeated Aeschylus’ entry. From that point forward, his plays were given funding for production, and Sophocles forever changed the course of drama through his work and innovations.
NOTE: The Theban plays were not written in chronological order. Think of it like Star Wars. Though the originals were written first, the prequels (with events taking place before the originals) were written afterthem. They were originally written for separate dramatic competitions and have some inconsistencies between them because they are not parts of a trilogy, in that they were not meant to be performed one after another. It is believed they are three parts of separate groups of plays which have not survived. For the purposes of this guide, however, they have been placed in order of dramatic events.
Oedipus Rex (Oedipus the King)
Though Oedipus Rex was the second of the three Theban plays to be written, it actually tells the first part of what is something like a three part story (see NOTE). The play takes place in Thebes (hence Theban) and is actually a story Greeks would have been roughly familiar with. What was appealing to them was how the events unfolded, like the reason people still watch films based on well-known history today. Think of it like this: You knew the Titanicwould sink, right? Then why watch the movie?
Oedipus Rex tells the story of Oedipus, king of Thebes, as a plague devastates Thebes. Oedipus finds out through Creon that the cause of the plague was, according to an oracle (fortune teller) the murder of Laius, the former king of Thebes. The oracle tells Creon, Oedipus’ brother-in-law who was sent to find out the cause of the plague, that the murderer is within the walls of Thebes and not until this man is apprehended and brought to justice will the plague end.
Determined to find the killer and bring an end to the plague, Oedipus calls upon Tiresias, a blind prophet, for help. When Tiresias refuses to tell Oedipus who the killer is, suggesting instead that Oedipus gives up the search, Oedipus is furious. He accuses Tiresias of having been bribed by Creon to hide the fact that he, Creon, is the killer.
Creon is brought to Oedipus to face his accusations, and Oedipus sentences him to death. The chorus, however, changes his mind and Creon is allowed to live. Jocasta, Oedipus’ wife shows up to comfort her husband, saying prophets cannot be trusted. She reassures him by saying that a prophet once told she and Laius that Laius would be killed by his own son, which turned out not to be true because, as everyone knew, Laius was killed by bandits on the way to see an oracle in Delphi.
Jocasta’s mention of the way in which Laius was killed worries Oedipus, as he now thinks that he may have, in fact, killed Laius, and he tells her the story of how it happened. He recounts to Jacosta how, years prior, when he was prince of Corinth, he heard at a banquet that he might not be his father’s son. Bothered by this, he heads off the consult the oracle at Delphi. The oracle does not answer his question, but does tell him that he will murder his own father and sleep with his mother. Oedipus takes the prophesy as fact and, to avoid his fate, takes off for Thebes. Oedipus then tells his wife how he did, in self-defense, kill a group of travellers at a crossroads which led to Delphi.
As he finishes his story, a messenger comes in to tell Oedipus that his father, Polybus, king of Corinth is dead, and that the city wants him to return to rule as king. Jacosta is ecstatic, because this proves the prophesy wrong. Oedipus cannot kill his father if his father is already dead. Oedipus is still concerned, though, about the second half of the prophesy, that he would sleep with his mother. To put his new king’s heart at ease, the messenger from Corinth tells Oedipus not to worry because the king and queen of Corinth are not his real parents anyway.
The messenger explains that many years ago, when he worked as a shepherd on Mount Cithaeron, he found a baby whose ankles were pinned together. The messenger had unpinned the baby’s ankle (the injury explains why Oedipus walks with a limp). The messenger continues, saying that the person who left Oedipus on the mountain was a servant of Laius. Jacosta, who has been listening intently, starts realizing something she had long since forgotten.
Despite Jacosta’s pleas to the contrary, Oedipus is just about to go on a search for his real parents when another character, who the Corinthian messenger identifies as the man who gave him Oedipus, enters. Oedipus demands to know who gave him the baby, and, after the threat of torture, Laius’ servant admits it was Laius, and that the baby was his, Laius’, child. Oedipus realizes he killed his father.
The chorus then enters after Oedipus flees into the palace to say that Jacosta has killed herself.  When Oedipus discovered her hanging in their bedroom, he, to punish himself for killing his father and marrying his mother, takes the pins from her robes and stabs out his eyes.
To stop the public display, Creon, has reentered and forgiven Oedipus for his past accusations. Oedipus is excited for the opportunity and asks Creon to take care of his two daughters, Antigone and Ismene. He then apologizes to his girls, because he believes no man will want to marry the daughters of an incestuous relationship. Creon puts an end to the display, and the play ends with the chorus saying Oedipus has fallen, and the only relief he can hope for his death.
Oedipus at Colonus
Oedipus has been wandering for years after his exile by Creon. Antigone helps him walk and eventually they make it to Colonus and stop to rest. Someone comes up to them and says that the land on which they rest was not meant for mortals and they must leave. When Oedipus discovers that the gods which preside over the land are the Eumenides, or goddesses of fate, he sends the citizen of Colonus off to get the king, Theseus. He explains to his daughter that an oracle had once said he would die on a place presided over by the Eumenides.
The Chorus then enters and, convincing Oedipus and Antigone to move from the sacred spot on which they stand and subsequently discovering who Oedipus is, demands that he leave at once. Oedipus then convinces the chorus to allow Theseus to have the final say.
Ismene enters and, after some exposition revealing that Ismene had left them to gather information from an oracle, reveals that back in Thebes, Eteocles, Oedipus’ younger son, has overthrown his elder son, Polynices for the throne. Furthermore, Polynices has brought together troops to fight against Eteocles and Creon, who is ruling with him. Finally, the news from the oracle is that the kingdom in which Oedipus is buried will be looked on favorably by the gods. Both sons are aware of the prophecy and Creon is on the way to bring him back to Thebes so that Thebes can be blessed. Oedipus says he will support neither son because they did not step in to stop his exile.
Eventually Creon shows up in Colonus and tries to convince Oedipus to come back to Thebes. Oedipus refuses, saying he knows the real reason Creon wants him home is not because his wandering brings shame to Thebes but because of what the Oracle said. Upon Oedipus’ refusal, Creon orders his guards to take Antigone and Ismene, which they are allowed to do the Chorus.
Creon is just about the take Oedipus as well when Theseus enters and demands to know what is going on. Oedipus explains and Theseus sends soldiers to get Antigone and Ismene from the men who took them. He says he is going to protect Oedipus from Creon, and Creon vows revenge.
In the next scene, Theseus returns Oedipus’ daughters with news that there is a stranger from Argos who would like to speak with him. Knowing that the stranger is Polynices, Oedipus begs Theseus to banish him but Theseus and Antigone convince him to listen to what his son has to say. Oedipus agrees to see Polynices so long as Theseus agrees to protect him from abduction, which Theseus does.
When Polynices and Oedipus meet, the former informs the latter that he never wanted his father exiled. He claims his brother bribed the people of Thebes to turn against him, but that he has plans to retake his throne by force. Oedipus states that he placed a curse on the men when he was exiled, that they would die by one another’s hands. Polynices then looks to his sisters for support, but they simply ask him to call off the attack. He says he will not, and although the girls declare their love for their brother, he says his life is in the hands of the gods now.
The weather then takes a turn for the worse and Oedipus tells Theseus that the thunder is a signal of his death. He tells Theseus in private that, if Colonus wants the blessing that comes with being his burying place, only he, Theseus, can know where Oedipus is buried. He can then tell the place to his heir and in that way the descendants of Theseus will rule over a blessed Colonus forever. After Antigone and Ismene dress him in linen, Oedipus takes Theseus to the place he is to die. When Theseus returns, the girls want to know where their father has been buried, but he informs them that it is their father’s wish that they not know. They ask then for safe passage to Thebes, where they hope to stop their brothers from fighting. Theseus allows this, and they head for Thebes.
Antigone
Antigone picks up after the struggle between Polynices and Eteocles, who have died at each other’s hands, and Creon now rules Thebes. Creon has declared that anyone who tries to give burial rites to Polynices will be put to death, which upsets Antigone. Ismene says that they cannot change the king’s mind and therefore must not bury Polynices, but Antigone disagrees and leaves her sister.
Creon enters to tell the citizens of Thebes that order has been restored. He also says that Polynices will not be given a proper burial while Eteocles will receive a hero’s ceremony. A messenger enters to tell Creon that someone has given Polynices a proper burial but no one knows who. He says that perhaps the gods themselves did it, but Creon blames the sentries meant to guard the body. He blames the only sentry present and threatens him with death if no one is found to have done it. The sentry flees Thebes.
The Chorus then finds the Sentry leading Antigone back to Thebes. He says that as they were digging Polynices back up, a dust cloud blinded them, and when their sight returned, they saw Antigone reburying her brother. Creon asks Antigone if she knew of his command and she said she did and broke it willingly.
Creon then sends for Ismene and condemns both sisters to death. Antigone welcomes the punishment, because she believes that both brothers deserved burial rites and to do so for Polynices will bring her glory in death. She says that Creon’s subjects side with her but are afraid of Creon. Ismene weepily accepts the punishment too, but asks Creon to consider the feelings of his son Haemon, who is engaged to marry Antigone. Creon says he would never allow his son to marry a traitor and declares both women insane.
After condemning the daughters of Oedipus, Creon asks Haemon how he feels. He says that no woman is as important to him as his father, but that the people of Thebes do not think Antigone deserves such a punishment. This incites an argument between father and son and when Creon sends for Antigone to be killed in front of Haemon, Haemon leaves. In his son’s absence, Creon decides not to kill Ismene, but to enclose Antigone in a tomb.
Antigone is then taken to the tomb, but on the way is stopped by the Chorus, to whom she says her death will be noble. The Chorus says that her confidence is pride and that she is like her father, Oedipus. Antigone vehemently disagrees and Creon exits the palace to tell the guards to get Antigone to her tomb. Antigone tells him she would not have given burial rites to her brother if he had been a husband or child, because she could have had another. She also tells the Chorus that Thebes is run by someone who would kill her for obeying the gods.
Tiresias, the blind soothsayer from Oedipus Rex, is led into Thebes. Tiresias tells Creon that his refusal to properly bury Polynices will curse Thebes. Creon tells Tiresias that he is a false prophet but, after sending him away, admits that the prophesy has frightened him and that he will do whatever is asked of him by the people, who immediately state that he should free Antigone. He reluctantly agrees.
When Creon exits, a messenger enters to tell everyone that Haemon has committed suicide. He says that just as Creon’s men were burying Polynices in the proper manner, they heard Haemon yelling from Antigone’s tomb, in which Antigone hangs by a noose. He takes his father’s sword and attempts to kill him. Missing, he turns the sword on himself and dies holding Antigone.

Creon then enters the palace weeping, carrying the body of his dead son. A messenger enters to tell him his wife, Eurydice, has committed suicide, overcome with grief at the death of her son. He says Eurydice called out curses on her husband, which causes Creon to kneel and pray for death. The Chorus speaks about how the prideful are brought down by the gods.

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Sophocles is one of three ancient Greek tragedians whose plays have survived. His first plays were written later than those of Aeschylus, and earlier than or contemporary with those of Euripides. Sophocles wrote 123 plays during the course of his life, but only seven have survived in a complete form: AjaxAntigoneThe Women of TrachisOedipus the KingElectraPhiloctetes and Oedipus at Colonus. For almost 50 years, Sophocles was the most-fĂȘted playwright in the dramatic competitions of the city-state of Athens that took place during the religious festivals of theLenaea and the Dionysia. He competed in around 30 competitions, won perhaps 24, and was never judged lower than second place. Aeschylus won 14 competitions, and was sometimes defeated by Sophocles, while Euripides won only 4 competitions.
The most famous tragedies of Sophocles feature Oedipus and Antigone: they are generally known as the Theban plays, although each play was actually a part of a different tetralogy, the other members of which are now lost. Sophocles influenced the development of the drama, most importantly by adding a third actor, thereby reducing the importance of the chorus in the presentation of the plot. He also developed his characters to a greater extent than earlier playwrights such as Aeschylus.[5]
Sophocles died at the age of ninety or ninety-one in the winter of 406/5 BC, having seen within his lifetime both the Greek triumph in the Persian Warsand the bloodletting of the Peloponnesian War.[2] As with many famous men in classical antiquity, his death inspired a number of apocryphal stories. The most famous is the suggestion that he died from the strain of trying to recite a long sentence from his Antigone without pausing to take a breath. Another account suggests he choked while eating grapes at the Anthesteria festival in Athens. A third holds that he died of happiness after
Thereafter, Sophocles emerged victorious in dramatic competitions at 18 Dionysia and 6 Lenaia festivals. In addition to innovations in dramatic structure, Sophocles' work is also known for its deeper development of characters than earlier playwrights. His reputation was such that foreign rulers invited him to attend their courts, although unlike Aeschylus who died in Sicily, or Euripides who spent time in Macedon, Sophocles never accepted any of these invitations. Aristotle used Sophocles' Oedipus the King in his Poetics (c. 335 BC) as an example of the highest achievement in tragedy, which suggests the high esteem in which his work was held by later Greeks.
Only two of the seven surviving plays[18] can be dated securely: Philoctetes (409 BC) and Oedipus at Colonus (401 BC, staged after Sophocles' death by his grandson). Of the others, Electra shows stylistic similarities to these two plays, which suggests that it was probably written in the latter part of his career. AjaxAntigone and The Trachiniae are generally thought to be among his early works, again based on stylistic elements, with Oedipus the King coming in Sophocles' middle period. Most of Sophocles' plays show an undercurrent of early fatalism and the beginnings of Socratic logic as a mainstay for the long tradition of Greek tragedy.[19][20]
The Theban plays
The Theban plays consist of three plays: Oedipus the King (also called Oedipus Tyrannus), Oedipus at Colonus and Antigone. All three plays concern the fate of Thebes during and after the reign of King Oedipus. They have often been published under a single cover. Sophocles, however, wrote the three plays for separate festival competitions, many years apart. Not only are the Theban plays not a true trilogy (three plays presented as a continuous narrative) but they are not even an intentional series and contain some inconsistencies among them. He also wrote other plays having to do with Thebes, such as the Epigoni, of which only fragments have survived
Subjects
Each of the plays relates to the tale of the mythological Oedipus, who killed his father and married his mother without knowledge that they were his parents. His family is fated to be doomed for three generations.
In Oedipus the King, Oedipus is the protagonist. Oedipus' infanticide is planned by his parents, Laius and Jocasta, to avert him fulfilling a prophecy; in truth, the servant entrusted with the infanticide passes the infant on through a series of intermediaries to a childless couple, who adopt him not knowing his history. Oedipus eventually learns of the Delphic Oracle's prophecy of him, that he would kill his father and marry his mother; Oedipus attempts to flee his fate without harming his parents (at this point, he does not know that he is adopted). Oedipus meets a man at a crossroads accompanied by servants; Oedipus and the man fought, and Oedipus killed the man. (This man was his father, Laius, not that anyone apart from the gods knew this at the time). He becomes the ruler of Thebes after solving the riddle of the sphinx and in the process, marries the widowed Queen, his mother Jocasta. Thus the stage is set for horror. When the truth comes out, following from another true but confusing prophecy from Delphi, Jocasta commits suicide, Oedipus blinds himself and leaves Thebes, and the children are left to sort out the consequences themselves (which provides the grounds for the later parts of the cycle of plays).
In Oedipus at Colonus, the banished Oedipus and his daughter Antigone arrive at the town of Colonus where they encounter Theseus, King of Athens. Oedipus dies and strife begins between his sons Polyneices and Eteocles.
In Antigone, the protagonist is Oedipus' daughter, Antigone. She is faced with the choice of allowing her brother Polyneices' body to remain unburied, outside the city walls, exposed to the ravages of wild animals, or to bury him and face death. The king of the land, Creon, has forbidden the burial of Polyneices for he was a traitor to the city. Antigone decides to bury his body and face the consequences of her actions. Creon sentences her to death. Eventually, Creon is convinced to free Antigone from her punishment, but his decision comes too late and Antigone commits suicide. Her suicide triggers the suicide of two others close to King Creon: his son, Haemon, who was to wed Antigone, and his wife, Eurydice, who commits suicide after losing her only surviving son.
Composition and inconsistencies

The plays were written across thirty-six years of Sophocles' career and were not composed in chronological order, but instead were written in the order AntigoneOedipus the King, and Oedipus at Colonus. Nor were they composed as a trilogy - a group of plays to be performed together, but are the remaining parts of three different groups of plays. As a result, there are some inconsistencies: notably, Creon is the undisputed king at the end of Oedipus the King and, in consultation with Apollo, single-handedly makes the decision to expel Oedipus from Thebes. Creon is also instructed to look after Oedipus' daughters Antigone and Ismene at the end of Oedipus the King. By contrast, in the other plays there is some struggle with Oedipus' sons Eteocles andPolynices in regard to the succession. In Oedipus at Colonus("Oedipus the King" and "Oedipus Rex" are the same play), Sophocles attempts to work these inconsistencies into a coherent whole.
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